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Where am I now? Lawlink > Law Reform Commission > Publications > Section 2 - De Facto Relationships: The Social Context
Issues Paper 1 (1981) - De Facto Relationships
Section 2 - De Facto Relationships: The Social Context
2.1 This section examines:
- the incidence of de facto relationships in Australia and evidence suggesting an increase in the incidence of such relationships;
- the major reasons which have been presented to explain the apparent increase;
- the different forms of de facto relationships which can be identified and their social characteristics;
- conclusions and further information required.
A. The Incidence of De Facto Relationships
2.2 It is very difficult to estimate accurately the number of de facto relationships in Australia because of the inadequacy of information. Official statistical sources, such as the Census of Population and Housing, have usually not asked specific questions which allow respondents to designate themselves as living in de facto relationships. When the form of the questions has allowed for this, as in the 1976 Census questionnaire, the information obtained has not been separately analysed by the Commonwealth Statistician. The analysis of the 1976 Census information, for, example, combined both legal and de facto spouses within the single category of “spouses” in official bulletins.1
2.3 Despite the paucity of official statistics, two approaches can be taken to estimate the extent of de facto relationships in Australia. The first approach, which was taken by the National Population Inquiry, draws conclusions from a detailed examination of marriage and divorce patterns.2 The second approach examines census statistics3 in a manner different from that employed in official bulletins in order to make a provisional estimate of the number of de facto relationships.
1. The Demographic Analysis
2.4 Marriage rates in Australia have been linked to economic conditions, showing marked declines in the period of the 1890’s and the 1930’s Depression and with the increase in unemployment since 1974.4 In such periods, when job security and the opportunity to establish a separate marital household are threatened, the evidence suggests very strongly that people are cautious about marrying.
2.5 The post-war economic boom in Australia was characterised by almost full employment and rising economic expectations. It was also accompanied by a particular pattern of marriage: almost universal rates of marriage and a trend towards marriage at younger ages. In 1971, 86% of men and 94% of women had married before the age of 35.5 After the age of 45, only 5% of women and somewhat less than 10% of men had never married. The median age for first marriages fell in the 50 year period, 1921-25 to 1971-75, by 3.5 years to 23.3 years for men and 2.9 years to 20.9 years for women in 1974. From that date however, the median age has risen, reaching 24.2 years for men and 21.9 years for women in 1980.6
2.6 From 1971, the number of marriages and the crude marriage rate (the number of marriages per 1,000 of population) began to decline. The number of marriages declined from an all time peak of 117,600 in 1971 to 106,500 in 1980.7 Crude marriage rates declined dramatically from 1971 to 1978 (with a slight peak in 1976 which has been attributed to remarriages following the introduction in January 1976 of the Family Law Act 1975 (Cth)) and have shown the beginning of an upward trend since 1978. Since 1971 and particularly since 1974 there has been a significant decline in the proportion of married women of all age groups in the population. This decline has not been uniform; the steepest decrease has been among women aged 20-24. By 1979, proportions of women married were significantly below 1971 figures for ages 15-39 (Table 1).8 In addition, rates of remarriage for divorced and widowed people, while increasing as a proportion of all marriages since 1976, have not offset the decline in rates of first marriage.
2.7 The National Population Inquiry’s Supplementary Report contends that the decline in proportions of people currently married and the increase in divorces (which can also be identified) are likely to be associated with an increase in the number of de facto relationships. The report concedes that the extent of the increase cannot be measured.9 It speculates that such relationships probably occur among young people who have not been previously married and among divorced or separated persons. For each group, the report considers that a formal marriage is likely to ensue. In other words, it sees de facto relationships as a temporary phase, a prelude to marriage (or remarriage), rather than as a permanent substitute for formal marriage. But the report gives no evidence to support its claim.
2. The Census Analysis
2.8 A provisional estimate of the minimum number of de facto relationships in Australia can be made from an analysis of the Census statistics for 1971 and 1976. These statistics also suggest that the number of such relationships increased in this period. These estimates can be made by studying the relationship between “family type” and “ marital status” as recorded in the Census statistics (Tables 2a and 2b). Using the language of the Census, a de facto relationship can be regarded as the cohabitation of a man and woman who designated themselves on the Census form as “head” and “spouse”, where the head was recorded either as not currently married or as permanently separated. The assumption is that if a household includes a head and his or her spouse, and the head is not currently married or is permanently separated, the parties can be regarded as living in a de facto relationship. On this view, de facto relationships will include families containing
- a head and spouse;
- a head, spouse and children;
- a head, spouse and other adults;
- a head, spouse, other adults and children
where the head is “never married”, “permanently separated”, “divorced” or “widowed” (to use the Census categories).
2.9, Before interpreting the figures for Australia in Table 2a, it is essential to point out the inadequacies of the statistics and, in particular, the high probability that they understate the number of de facto relationships.10
- The Australian Census uses self-recording to obtain its statistics (that is, it relies on answers to questions given by respondents). Some people may misunderstand questions or be unwilling or unable to answer questions accurately, particularly in sensitive areas. For example, some people who are recorded as living in a family with other adults may be living with a spouse in a de facto relationship, but are either unwilling to reveal this, or do not find the available categories of husband, wife or de facto spouse appropriate to describe their situation.
- Some people recorded as married and living with a spouse may not be living with their legal spouse.
- The concept of “de facto spouse” may not always be understood by people completing Census forms. In addition, the category of “de facto spouse” was specifically presented in the 1976 Census form as a possible relationship to the household head, but this was not done in the 1971 form. This is very likely to have contributed to an increase in the recorded numbers of de facto spouses in 1976, compared with the statistics for 1971.
For these reasons, the figures should not be read as measuring exact numbers or exact rates of increase. They should be interpreted as indicating the minimum number of de facto families and providing a general guide to changes in the incidence of such relationships. Nevertheless the figures are valuable. They provide some statistical evidence of the number of de facto relationships in Australia. They also provide a basis for comparison with other countries. Moreover, the figures in Tables 2a and 2b used in conjunction with the 1981 Census statistics (when available) will allow an analysis to be made of broad trends over a ten year period.
2.10 Table 2a shows that in 1971 there were approximately 17,000 families in Australia containing spouses where the family head was recorded as either not currently married or permanently separated. This represented 0.6% of all families containing spouses. In 1976, the number of such families had increased to approximately 66,000, representing 2.2% of all families containing spouses. This constitutes an apparent increase of 286%, while the numbers of families containing spouses where the head was married increased by only 7%. The figures appear therefore to support the trend towards an increase in the number of de facto relationships identified by the National Population Inquiry.
2.11 As suggested earlier, caution must be exercised in interpreting these figures. They reflect not only an actual increase in the number of de facto relationships, but also show that more people were willing to describe themselves as de facto spouses on Census forms. They also reflect other factors such as the change in the forms used for the 1976 Census. Nonetheless the 1976 Census figures for
- de facto families as a proportion of all Australian families containing, spouses (2.2%); and
- de facto spouses as a proportion of all persons not currently married between the ages of 20 and 64 (7.0%),
while almost certainly underestimating the number of de facto relationships, are near the range of estimates for some other advanced industrial societies. The number of persons cohabiting without formal marriage in the United States, for example, in 1977 has been estimated as 4.2% of all “couple households”.11 By the mid 1970’s the rate of cohabitation without marriage in Sweden was approximately 15 % of all cohabiting couples; in Denmark about 10-12%; in Finland 5-7% and in Norway 2-3%.12 The higher proportion of cohabitation without marriage in Sweden and Denmark is related to the steep decline in the marriage rate from the latter part of the 1960’s, and apparently also to the revival of a Nordic tradition of non-registered cohabitation. The increase in cohabitation without formal marriage in the United States has been attributed to two factors: first, the decline in formal marriage rates and, second, the increasing acceptance by middle class couples of a pattern of informal marriage which has a long history among the working class and ethnic minorities.13
2.12 The incidence of de facto relationships in Australia can be examined from another perspective. In 1976 families comprising a “head” and “spouse”, where the head had never been married, constituted 7.8% of all families headed by persons who had never been married. (This category includes persons living alone, single-parent families and people living with other adults.) Families comprising a head and spouse, where the head was “permanently separated” constituted 10.6% of all families headed by permanently separated persons. Families comprising a head and spouse, where the head was divorced, constituted 9.6% of all families headed by divorced persons (see Table 3a). Of the 65,938 “de facto families” in Australia, in 45 % the head had never been married; in 26% the head was permanently separated; in 22% the head was divorced; and in 8% the head was widowed. Children were present in 49% of these families (see Table 4a).
2.13 The trend during the period 1971 to 1976 suggests that more people, are living in de facto relationships, especially people who have never been married or who are permanently separated or divorced. The decline in the proportions of de facto families containing children in the 5-year period (from 61% to 49%) seems to reflect the increasing proportion of never married (presumably younger) people entering de facto relationships. Nonetheless it is important to point out that nearly half of all de facto families in 1976 did contain children and that the actual number of de facto families with children trebled during the period 1971 to 1976. These figures point to the need to appreciate the parental responsibilities of a significant proportion of de facto families.
2.14 These estimates provide some indication of the minimum numbers of de facto relationships in Australia. Inferences can be drawn as to the characteristics of these families. But they provide no indication of the possible reasons for de facto relationships rather than formal marriage, nor of the duration of such relationships or whether they usually precede marriage. Moreover, they represent a “snapshot” at one point in time of Australian family structure; they do not indicate the incidence of de facto relationships through the life-cycle. It is not clear, for example, what proportion of people enter a de facto relationship at some stage in their life, nor for how long these relationships last.
2.15 From the foregoing material and other demographic information some conclusions can be drawn about trends in marriage, divorce and de facto relationships in Australia.
- The rate of first marriage has declined.
- A higher proportion of marriages end in divorce, although care must be taken not to overstate the effect of the Family Law Act 1975 (Cth) on the divorce rate.14
- Remarriage after divorce has been increasing substantially both in absolute numbers and as a proportion of annual marriages. The higher remarriage rate has been seen as a possible indication of a prior de facto relationship.15
- The evidence strongly indicates an increase in the number of de facto relationships, particularly among young people who have never been married and among divorced and separated people.
- The National Population Inquiry suggests that de facto relationships are not usually associated with children. However, the 1976 Census statistics suggest that nearly 50% of de facto families contain children (although this figure includes children of former marriages or of former de facto relationships living within the same household).
B. Why the Apparent Increase?
1. The Economic Argument
2.16 As noted in paragraph 2.4, economic conditions influence changes in marriage patterns and these changes may be associated with changes in the number of de facto relationships. A demographic history of marriage in Australia shows that economic recession, high levels of unemployment and job insecurity have been associated with the restriction of marriage opportunities.16 (The year 1974, which showed a marked deterioration in labour market conditions,17 was also a watershed in terms of marriage rates.) While marriage rates have fallen in the three major periods of economic downturn in Australia, there have always been men living outside the institution of formal marriage: usually working class men, unemployed, underemployed or employed in seasonal or migratory jobs.18 This raises a question: are people under greatest threat of unemployment or job insecurity (unskilled and semi-skilled workers) likely to have reduced opportunities to marry, or to postpone marriage, not because they are critical of the institution, but because they consider that they do not have the necessary resources? Is the increase in the number of de facto relationships therefore partly a response to economic insecurity? Some contemporary evidence relevant to this question is provided in a survey of two groups of unemployed and employed people (aged 16-25) carried out in Sydney in 1977.19 Unemployed people differed from employed people only in their attitudes towards marriage: the unemployed were less likely to be married or to expect to marry. This reaction was attributed to a sense of despair caused by economic deprivation.
2.17 Where does this leave de facto relationships? It is possible that the financial expectations and legal rights and obligations which are associated with formal marriage may deter people from marrying. The greater informality and apparent lack of legal regulation of de facto relationships may make these unions appear to be less fraught with long-term economic entanglement at a time when financial resources are scarce.
2. Social Attitudes
2.18 Several recent social surveys in Australia suggest that people are questioning the institution of marriage and postponing marriage, particularly tertiary educated middle class people. Some of these people perceive a conflict between marriage and fulfilment of independent careers and other personal aspirations.20 In addition, it has been suggested that suspicion of the legal and social constraints imposed by marriage has led to the increasing acceptability of de facto relationships which are often seen as free from the same constraints. Some commentators have suggested that changing attitudes may be accompanied by an awareness of issues relating to women’s rights and by attempts to change the traditional division of household tasks based on gender.21
2.19 Care must be taken not to push the analysis too far. In one survey young, unmarried people aged 18 to 25 were interviewed during 1975 and 1976. The survey suggests that while entry into marriage is being postponed and de facto relationships given increasing support, the institution of marriage has not been repudiated. Rather, de facto relationships are perceived by the unmarried, not as a replacement but as an adjunct to marriage: as an “interim condition”.22 Further evidence to support this conclusion is provided by a survey of young adults in Melbourne in 1977 which explored the “leaving home” stage of the life-cycle.23 It was found that the pattern of leaving home in order to marry, which had been dominant in 1971, had changed markedly in all age groups. Young people were found to be much more likely to leave home for reasons other than marriage. (In 1971, 80% of young women who left the parental home did so in order to marry; in 1977, this proportion had fallen to 40%.) Education, job-seeking and travel were the major reasons for leaving home. The author notes that this changing pattern reflects a wish
“for independence and freedom which is presumably unattainable in the family household or as a spouse. However, this does not necessarily mean that marriage is rejected, and at most seems to indicate only a brief postponement.”24
Attitudes of the respondents towards “living together” showed that they accepted de facto relationships (more so among young men than young women) because of the “trial” nature of such relationships and because they allowed greater expression of individuality. Moreover there were fewer formal difficulties involved in ending de facto relationships. However, these relationships were also seen to have disadvantages, because they lacked security and incurred community disapproval. The disadvantages were seen to be increased if there were children of the relationship. The author concludes as follows:
“The general impression is that living together is a life that young adults may decide to adopt, but it is generally regarded as a transition stage.”25
3. Difficulties of Obtaining Divorce
2.20 Historically, an important factor contributing to the creation of de facto relationships has been the difficulty (legal, social or economic) of obtaining a divorce. In the United States and the United Kingdom, for example, commentators regarded long-term separation from a legal spouse as the “poor man’s divorce”. The difficulty of obtaining a divorce, particularly for poor people, led to the proliferation of de facto relationships as “poor people’s remarriages”.26 Some Australian evidence supporting this view is given in an account, before the Family Law Act 1975 (Cth), of the relatively high proportion of people permanently separated but not formally divorced, compared with those formally divorced.27 The author attributed this to relatively punitive and expensive divorce procedures. Using social security information and overseas comparisons, she concluded that separation without divorce can be correlated with lower economic status.
2.21 There is little doubt that, before the Family Law Act 1975 (Cth) changed the divorce laws and legal aid became increasingly available in the mid 1970’s, the problems associated with obtaining a divorce contributed significantly to the number of de facto relationships in Australia. The need to establish grounds for divorce, the expense of court proceedings, unfamiliarity with or mistrust of the law and religious objections to divorce all combined to produce a substantial pool of permanently separated people. Many of these people established de facto relationships because they were not legally free to remarry. Since the introduction in January 1976 of the Family Law Act (which permits divorce after 12 months’ separation) few people wishing to be divorced experience legal difficulties in satisfying the ground specified in the Act. The cost of legal proceedings and other factors such as religious scruples continue to rule out divorce for some people, but these would seem to be a small percentage of the population. Nonetheless the historical legacy of less liberal divorce laws is still with us. It is possible that stable long-term de facto relationships, which commenced because at least one party was unable to obtain a divorce from his or her lawful spouse, continue to constitute a significant proportion of de facto relationships among older people in Australia.
4. Conclusion
2.22 Apart from the historical legacy of the earlier divorce laws, there appear to be two major divergent explanations of the decrease in marriage rates and the increase in the number of de facto relationships. One explanation stresses underlying economic conditions which restrict opportunities for formal marriage. The other emphasises changes in social attitudes particularly among young, never-married people. There seem to be two important social processes operating: increasing acceptance of de facto relationships (whether as temporary or permanent unions); and economic constraints which lead to the postponement of marriage (or, in some cases, foreclosure of all opportunities). There is also some evidence to suggest that these two processes are occurring in different segments of the social structure. Poorer, working class people may be more likely to have their chances of marriage affected by economic conditions. Tertiary educated, middle class people are more likely to be attracted positively by the apparent absence of legal regulation of de facto relationships. Both processes are reflected in a downturn in marriage rates and the apparent increase in de facto relationships. It is not clear whether there will be a trend towards long-term de facto relationships existing alongside marriages. More information, over a longer period, is required to answer this question.
C. Types of De Facto Relationships
2.23 The material discussed earlier in this section suggests that there are several types of de facto relationships. These vary according to the economic circumstances, socioeconomic position, marital status, life-cycle stage and motivation of the partners. In addition, the duration of de facto relationships ranges from short-term (perhaps preparatory to marriage) to stable, long-term relationships in which the parties have entered into mutual commitments and obligations. A relationship may, of course, change character over time.28
2.24 It is possible from the available evidence to identify four major types of de facto relationships. These categories may present different sorts of legal issues or, depending on the circumstances, none at all.
- Young people, usually never married, living together as an interim measure. The relationship may be followed by marriage. This type of de facto relationship might well involve an arrangement between two economically independent people who are unlikely to have children.
- People living together as a response to the insecurities caused by poverty and unemployment. Under these conditions, the fulfilment of the economic rights and obligations traditionally associated with marriage may be unattainable. These relationships may include children.
- Divorced and separated people living together. The characteristics described in the first category may also apply in this case, but it is much more likely that these families will include children.
- Long-term de facto relationships in which the spouses have lived together “as married” for a considerable period of time. The relationship may have been established as a response to some of the legal, financial, emotional and religious problems formerly (and in some cases, still) associated with divorce. Children are very likely to be or to have been present in these families.
D. Summary and Further Information Required
2.25 It would appear from the work of demographers and the National Population Inquiry, and from analysis of Australian Census statistics, that the incidence of de facto relationships has been increasing during the 1970’s. This apparent increase is associated with both economic circumstances and to increasing acceptance of de facto relationships, particularly among young never-married people and people who have been separated or divorced. While the increase in the number of de facto relationships is significant for policy-makers, it is also important to emphasise that the phenomenon of de facto relationships is hardly new. This is illustrated by the Widows’ Pension Act 1942 (Cth), which included within the terms of eligibility for pension certain classes of de facto wives whose husband had died. This legislative recognition of de facto wives for the purpose of Commonwealth pension programs, almost 40 years ago, suggests that recent changes in the increase of de facto relationships may be an extension of a well-established pattern in Australia.
2.26 It may be useful to seek further information on the major characteristics of the four categories of de facto relationships identified in paragraph 2.24. In particular, information could be sought on socioeconomic characteristics, marital status, age and life-cycle stage of de facto spouses; the presence of children; patterns of economic dependency and interdependency; the duration of the relationship; the motives for cohabitation and the extent to which these motives change in the course of the relationship. Such an investigation would need to examine changes in patterns of marriage, cohabitation and family formation since 1976. It would also need to explore the extent to which de facto relationships have been an established part of Australian family patterns. These matters may be examined further by the Commission during the course of the reference.
TABLE 1 - Proportions of Women in Each Age Group Currently Married* 1921-1979
% |
Census |
| Age Group | 1921 | 1947 | 1961 | 1971 | 1976 | 1979 |
| 15-19 | 3.6 | 5.6 | 7.0 | 8.8 | 7.3 | 4.5 |
| 20-24 | 33.2 | 48.0 | 60.2 | 63.7 | 58.7 | 46.0 |
| 25-29 | 61.8 | 77.0 | 86.6 | 86.8 | 83.8 | 80.0 |
| 30-34 | 73.3 | 83.3 | 90.4 | 91.1 | 88.9 | 87.1 |
| 35-39 | 76.7 | 83.5 | 88.5 | 91.5 | 89.8 | 87.2 |
| 40-44 | 76.0 | 81.2 | 85.1 | 90.0 | 89.1 | 90.6 |
* includes permanently separated
SOURCE: W D Borrie, “Australia’s Population Structure and Trends” in Implications of Australian Population Trends (1981). Conference Papers, 16.
TABLE 2A - Family Type by Marital Status and Sex of Head: 1971-1976, Australia
Marital Status of Head (1)
Family Type | Never Married (a) | Now Married (b) | Permanently Separated (c) | Divorced (d) |
| 1971 | Males | Females | Males | Females | Males | Females | Males | Females |
| Head & Spouse | 1,982 | 6 | 816,110 | 1,189 | 1,608 | 6 | 820 | 5 |
| Head, Spouse & Children | 3,624 | 1 | 1,150,074 | 301 | 2,988 | 5 | 1,213 | 4 |
| Head, Spouse, Other Adults | 423 | 2 | 359,634 | 267 | 414 | 2 | 187 | 1 |
| Head, Spouse, Other Adults & Children | 767 | 0 | 408,973 | 134 | 752 | 2 | 320 | 2 |
| TOTAL FAMILIES | 6,796 | 9 | 2,734,791 | 1,891 | 5,762 | 15 | 2,540 | 12 |
| | 6,805 | 2,736,682 | 5,777 | 2,552 |
Family Type | Widowed (e) | TOTAL HEAD OF FAMILIES | TOTAL HEAD OF FAMILIES IN (a) (c) (d) (e) |
| 1971 | Males | Females | Males | Females | Males | Females | Males | Females |
| Head & Spouse | 911 | 8 | 821,431 | 1,214 | 822,645 | 5,321 | 25 | 5,346 |
| Head, Spouse & Children | 506 | 3 | 1,158,405 | 314 | 1,158,719 | 8,331 | 13 | 8,344 |
| Head, Spouse, Other Adults | 297 | 4 | 360,955 | 276 | 361,231 | 1,321 | 9 | 1,330 |
| Head, Spouse, Other Adults & Children | 218 | 2 | 411,030 | 140 | 411,170 | 2,057 | 6 | 2,063 |
| TOTAL FAMILIES | 1,932 | 17 | 2,751,821 | 1,944 | 2,753,765 | 17,030 | 53 | 17,083 |
| | 1,949 | | | |
Family Type | Never Married (a) | Now Married (b) | Permanently Separated (c) | Divorced (d) |
1976 | Males | Females | Males | Females | Males | Females | Males | Females |
| Head & Spouse | 12,770 | 1,818 | 902,300 | 23,114 | 5,586 | 923 | 4,834 | 1,011 |
| Head, Spouse & Children | 11,291 | 434 | 1,192,510 | 14,125 | 6,514 | 1,372 | 5,393 | 973 |
| Head, Spouse, Other Adults | 1,272 | 98 | 370,653 | 5,450 | 654 | 266 | 631 | 259 |
| Head, Spouse, Other Adults & Children | 1,907 | 64 | 408,200 | 4,233 | 1,184 | 367 | 970 | 262 |
| TOTAL FAMILIES | 27,240 | 2,414 | 2,873,665 | 46,922 | 13,938 | 2,928 | 11,828 | 2,505 |
| | 29,654 | 2,920,587 | 16,866 | 14,333 |
| Family Type | Widowed (e) | TOTAL HEADS OF FAMILIES | TOTAL HEADS OF FAMILIES IN (a) (c) (d) (e) |
| 1976 | Males | Females | Males | Females | Males | Females | Males | Females |
| Head & Spouse | 1,175 | 1,805 | 926,685 | 28,671 | 955,336 | 24,365 | 5,557 | 29,922 |
| Head, Spouse & Children | 534 | 461 | 1,214,243 | 17,365 | 1,233,608 | 23,732 | 3,240 | 26,972 |
| Head, Spouse, Other Adults | 195 | 453 | 373,405 | 6,526 | 379,931 | 2,752 | 1,076 | 3,828 |
| Head, Spouse, Other Adults & Children | 230 | 232 | 412,492 | 5,158 | 417,650 | 4,291 | 925 | 5,216 |
| TOTAL FAMILIES | 2,134 | 2,951 | 2,928,805 | 57,720 | 2,986,525 | 55,140 | 10,798 | 65,938 |
| | 5,085 | | | |
Note (1) In 1976, the respondent’s choice of a head of household was accepted and coded. In 1971, the man was allocated the head of household/head of family code except in rare cases (Australian Bureau of Statistics, Information Paper, 1976 Population Census, Family (1978)).
TABLE 2b - Family Type by Marital Status and Sex of Family Head: 1971-1976, New South Wales
Marital Status of Head (1)
| Family Type | Never Married (a) | Now Married (b) | Permanently Separated (c) | Divorced (d) |
| 1971 | Males | Females | Males | Females | Males | Females | Males | Females |
| Head & Spouse | 826 | 1 | 307,011 | 444 | 664 | 3 | 358 | 1 |
| Head, Spouse & Children | 1,371 | 0 | 408,125 | 114 | 1,072 | 1 | 489 | 1 |
| Head, Spouse, Other Adults | 152 | 0 | 136,257 | 103 | 163 | 0 | 91 | 0 |
| Head, Spouse, Other Adults & Children | 280 | 0 | 144,444 | 39 | 275 | 0 | 110 | 0 |
| TOTAL FAMILIES | 3,029 | 1 | 995,837 | 700 | 2,174 | 4 | 1,048 | 2 |
| | 2,630 | 996,537 | 2,178 | 1,050 |
| Family Type | Widowed (e) | TOTAL HEAD OF FAMILIES | TOTAL HEAD OF FAMILIES IN (a) (c) (d) (e) |
| 1971 | Males | Females | Males | Females | Males | Females | Males | Females |
| Head & Spouse | 381 | 1 | 309,240 | 450 | 309,690 | 2,229 | 6 | 2,235 |
| Head, Spouse & Children | 206 | 1 | 411,263 | 117 | 411,380 | 3,138 | 3 | 3,141 |
| Head, Spouse, Other Adults | 119 | 2 | 136,782 | 105 | 136,887 | 525 | 2 | 527 |
| Head, Spouse, Other Adults & Children | 82 | 0 | 145,191 | 39 | 145,230 | 747 | 0 | 747 |
| TOTAL FAMILIES | 788 | 4 | 1,002,476 | 711 | 1,003,187 | 6,639 | 11 | 6,650 |
| | 792 | | | |
| Family Type | Never Married (a) | Now Married (b) | Permanently Separated (c) | Divorced (d) |
| 1976 | Males | Females | Males | Females | Males | Females | Males | Females |
| Head & Spouse | 4,731 | 665 | 326,660 | 8,699 | 1,943 | 338 | 1,977 | 413 |
| Head, Spouse & Children | 3,738 | 142 | 412,526 | 5,039 | 2,034 | 393 | 1,804 | 310 |
| Head, Spouse, Other Adults | 462 | 46 | 136,938 | 2,058 | 255 | 108 | 258 | 129 |
| Head, Spouse, Other Adults & Children | 626 | 22 | 141,636 | 1,514 | 392 | 124 | 350 | 98 |
| TOTAL FAMILIES | 9,557 | 875 | 1,017,760 | 17,310 | 4,624 | 963 | 4,389 | 950 |
| | 10,432 | 1,035,070 | 5,587 | 5,339 |
| Family Type | Widowed (e) | TOTAL HEADS OF FAMILIES | TOTAL HEADS OF FAMILIES IN (a) (c) (d) (e) |
| 1976 | Males | Females | Males | Females | Males | Females | Males | Females |
| Head & Spouse | 444 | 623 | 335,755 | 10,738 | 346,493 | 9,095 | 2,039 | 11,134 |
| Head, Spouse & Children | 194 | 114 | 420,295 | 5,998 | 426,293 | 7,770 | 959 | 8,729 |
| Head, Spouse, Other Adults | 85 | 166 | 137,998 | 2,506 | 140,504 | 1,060 | 449 | 1,509 |
| Head, Spouse, Other Adults & Children | 93 | 62 | 143,097 | 1,820 | 144,917 | 1,461 | 306 | 1,767 |
| TOTAL FAMILIES | 816 | 965 | 1,037,145 | 21,062 | 1,058,207 | 19,386 | 3,753 | 23,139 |
| | 1,781 | | | |
SOURCES: Australian Bureau of Statistics, 1971 Census of Population and Dwellings: Table SP054 New South Wales (unpublished).
Australian Bureau of Statistics, 1976 Census of Population and Dwellings: Cross-Classified Tables: Population and Dwellings: New South Wales (2419.0). Table 46.
Note (1) In 1976, the respondent’s choice of a head of household was accepted and coded. In 1971, the man was allocated the head of household/head of family code except in rare cases (Australian Bureau of Statistics, Information Paper, 1976 Population Census, Family (1978)).
TABLE 3a - Families Containing Head and Spouse As Proportion of All Families. 1971-1976 Australia
%
Marital Status of Head
| Family Type | Never Married (a) | Now Married (b) | Permanently Separated (c) | Divorced (d) | Widowed (e) |
| | 1971 | 1976 | 1971 | 1976 | 1971 | 1976 | 1971 | 1976 | 1971 | 1976 |
| Head only | 80 | 75 | 2 | 2 | 44 | 41 | 55 | 48 | 65 | 70 |
| Head with Children | 3 | 5 | 1 | 1 | 30 | 30 | 19 | 23 | 5 | 4 |
| Head, Children & Other Adults | 0.5 | 0.6 | 0.6 | 0.5 | 10 | 9 | 7 | 6 | 5 | 4 |
| Head & Other Adults | 14 | 12 | 0.6 | 0.6 | 11 | 10 | 16 | 13 | 24 | 21 |
| Head & Spouse | 0.7 | 4 | 29 | 30 | 1 | 4 | 1 | 4 | 0.2 | 0.6 |
| Head, Spouse & Children | 1 | 3 | 40 | 40 | 3 | 5 | 1 | 4 | 0.1 | 0.2 |
| Head, Spouse & Other Adults | 0.1 | 0.3 | 13 | 12 | 0.4 | 0.6 | 0.2 | 0.6 | 0.1 | 0.1 |
| Head, Spouse, Other Adults & Children | 0.3 | 0.5 | 14 | 14 | 0.6 | 1 | 0.4 | 1 | 0.1 | 0.1 |
| TOTAL % | 99.6 | 100.4 | 100.2 | 100.1 | 100 | 100.6 | 99.6 | 99.6 | 99.5 | 100 |
| FAMILIES containing Head & Spouse as % of all FAMILIES | 2.1 | 7.8 | 96.0 | 96.0 | 5.0 | 10.6 | 2.6 | 9.6 | 0.5 | 1.0 |
| TOTAL ALL FAMILIES | 292,889 | 420,916 | 2,867,039 | 3,053,149 | 118,416 | 164,691 | 84,066 | 148,400 | 429,675 | 464,127 |
SOURCES: Australian Bureau of Statistics, 1971 Census: Population and Dwelling. Table SP054 (unpublished).
Australian Bureau of Statistics, 1971 Census: Population and Dwelling. Cross-Classified Table (2426.0) Table 46.
Note (1) Percentages do not sum to 100 because of rounding.
TABLE 3b - Families Containing Head And Spouse As Proportion Of All Families. 1971-1976 New South Wales
%
Marital Status
| Family Type | Never Married (a) | Now Married (b) | Permanently Separated (c) | Divorced (d) | Widowed (e) |
| | 1971 | 1976 | 1971 | 1976 | 1971 | 1976 | 1971 | 1976 | 1971 | 1976 |
| Head only | 82 | 75 | 2 | 2 | 45 | 42 | 55 | 49 | 66 | 70 |
| Head with Children | 2 | 6 | 1 | 1 | 28 | 29 | 18 | 22 | 5 | 4 |
| Head, Children & Other Adults | 0.5 | 0.6 | 0.5 | 0.5 | 9 | 8 | 7 | 7 | 4 | 4 |
| Head & Other Adults | 14 | 12 | 0.6 | 0.7 | 14 | 11 | 17 | 13 | 25 | 21 |
| Head & Spouse | 0.7 | 4 | 30 | 31 | 1 | 4 | 1 | 4 | 0.2 | 0.6 |
| Head, Spouse & Children | 1 | 2 | 39 | 39 | 2 | 4 | 1 | 4 | 0.1 | 0.2 |
| Head, Spouse & Other Adults | 0.1 | 0.3 | 13 | 13 | 0.4 | 0.6 | 0.2 | 0.6 | 0.1 | 0.1 |
| Head, Spouse, Other Adults & Children | 0.2 | 0.4 | 14 | 13 | 0.6 | 1 | 0.3 | 0.7 | 0.1 | 0.1 |
| TOTAL % | 100.5 | 100.3 | 100.1 | 100.2 | 100 | 99.6 | 99.5 | 100.3 | 100.5 | 100 |
| FAMILIES containing Head & Spouse as % of all FAMILIES | 2.3 | 6.7 | 96.0 | 96.0 | 4.0 | 9.6 | 2.5 | 9.3 | 0.5 | 1.0 |
| TOTAL ALL FAMILIES | 112,968 | 155,683 | 1,044,272 | 1,083,457 | 45,446 | 58,075 | 37,053 | 61,762 | 167,828 | 178,240 |
SOURCES: Australian Bureau of Statistics, 1971 Census: Population and Dwelling. Table SP054 (unpublished).
Australian Bureau of Statistics, 1971 Census: Population and Dwelling. Cross-Classified Table (2426.0) Table 46.
Note (1) Percentages do not sum to 100 because of rounding.
TABLE 4a - De Facto Families by Marital Status of Head and Presence of Children: 1971-1976 Australia
| | 1971 | 1976 |
| MARITAL STATUS | N | % | N | % |
| Never Married | 6805 | 40 | 29654 | 45 |
| Permanently Separated | 5777 | 34 | 16866 | 26 |
| Divorced | 2552 | 15 | 14333 | 22 |
| Widowed | 1949 | 11 | 5085 | 8 |
| Total | 17083 | 100 | 65938 | 101 |
| Proportion of De Facto Families with Children | 10407 | 61 | 32188 | 49 |
SOURCES: Australian Bureau of Statistics, 1971 Census: Population and Dwelling. Table SP054 (unpublished).
Australian Bureau of Statistics, 1971 Census: Population and Dwelling. Cross-Classified Table (2426.0) Table 46.
TABLE 4b - De Facto Families by Marital Status of Head and Presence of Children: 1971-1976 New South Wales
| | 1971 | 1976 |
| MARITAL STATUS | N | % | N | % |
| Never Married | 2630 | 40 | 10432 | 45 |
| Permanently Separated | 2178 | 33 | 5587 | 24 |
| Divorced | 1050 | 16 | 5339 | 23 |
| Widowed | 792 | 12 | 1781 | 8 |
| Total | 6650 | 101 | 23139 | 100 |
| Proportion of De Facto Families with Children | 3885 | 58.5 | 10495 | 45 |
SOURCES: Australian Bureau of Statistics, 1971 Census: Population and Dwelling. Table SP054 (unpublished).
Australian Bureau of Statistics, 1971 Census: Population and Dwelling. Cross-Classified Table (2426.0) Table 46.
FOOTNOTES
1. M. Harrison, Informal Marriages (1981); K. Jupp, “The Effect of the Family Law Act 1975 on the Institution of Marriage and the Family” in Family Law in Australia, A Report of the Joint Select Committee on the Family Law Act (1980) Vol.2, App.3.
2. National Population Inquiry, Supplementary Report. Population and Australia, Recent Demographic Trends and their Implications (1978), Ch. 2.
3. Australian Bureau of Statistics, 19 71 Census: Population and Dwellings (unpublished data); Australian Bureau of Statistics, 1976 Census: Population and Dwellings: Cross-classified Tables (Cat. No.2426.0).
4. P.F. McDonald, Marriage in Australia: Age at First Marriage and Proportions Marrying, 1860-1971 (1974); National Population Inquiry, n.2 above.
5. K. Jupp, n.1, above.
6. Australian Bureau of Statistics, Australian Demographic Statistics Quarterly March 1981 (1981); Cat. No.3101.0, Table 16.
7. W.D. Borrie, “Australia’s Population Structure and Trends” In Implications of Australian Population Trends (1981), 15
8. W.D. Borrie, n.7 above, 16.
9. National Population Inquiry, n.2 above, Ch. 2.
10. There is also a slight possibility of over-statement, e.g., if people misunderstood the ten-n “de facto spouse” or if legally separated people have continued to live in the same household. However, it is much more likely that the estimation is an understatement, for reasons discussed in the text.
11. P.R. Newcomb, “Cohabitation in America: An Assessment of Consequences” in Journal of Marriage and the Family 41(3),(1979), 5 97-603.
12. J. Trost, “A Renewed Social Institution: Non Marital Cohabitation” in Acta Sociologica 21(4), (1978), 303-315.
13. P.R- Newcomb, n.11 above; W.O. Weyrauch, “Metamorphosis of Marriage: Formal and Informal Marriages in the United States” in J.M. Eekelaar and S.N. Katz (eds.) Marriage and Cohabitation in Contemporary Societies (1980), 265-281.
14. W.D. Borrie, n.7 above, 21.
15. E. Evatt, R. Watson and D. McKenzie, “The Legal and Social Aspects of Cohabitation and The Reconstituted Family as a Social Problem”, in J. M. Eekelaar and S.N. Katz (eds.), n.13 above, 400.
16. P.F. McDonald, n.4 above.
17. P. Sheehan, Crisis In Abundance (1980).
18. P.F. McDonald, n.4 above.
19. A Turtle, “The Doleful: A Psychological Portrait and Portents”. Paper presented at Bicentennial History Conference: Sydney (1979).
20. J. Caldwell et al, Towards an Understanding of Contemporary Demographic Change (1976), Ch.3; J.D. Cunningham and J.K. Antill, “Cohabitation: Marriage of the Future?”. Paper presented at ANZAAS Congress, Auckland, New Zealand (1979).
21. J.D. Cunningham and J.K. Antill, n.20 above.
22. J. Caldwell et al, n.20 above, 68.
23. C. Young, “Leaving Home and Lifestyle - A Survey Analysis of Young Adults” in D. Davis et al, (eds.), Living Together: Family Patterns and Lifestyles (1980).
24. Ibid., 46.
25. Ibid., 47.
26. K. Jupp, n.1 above, 27.
27. A Bums, “Marital Breakdown and Divorce” in M. Dawson (ed.), Searchlight. Families (1974), 35. In 1947 the ratio of permanently separated people to those divorced was 2.4; in 1966 it was 1.7; in 1971 it was 1.4; in 1976 1. 1. (Data provided by Bums for 1946, 1966, 197 1. Data for 1976 calculated from Australian Bureau of Statistics, 1976 Census: Population and Dwellings: Cross-Classified Tables (1979), Cat. No.2426.0).
28. E. Evatt et al, n.15 above, 399.
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